 |
|
Refugees meeting hears proposal to register every human in the world
12/20
| CENTRAL
AMERICA: STOPPING THE NEOLIBERAL PLAN PUEBLA PANAMA |
Nov
29 2001 |
Forum and protests in
Guatemala brings together activists against the neoliberal
free trade Plan Puebla Panama
Activists from across the
americas converged in Xela, Guatemala to launch a campaign
against the Plan
Puebla Panama (PPP). The Plan which is being pushed by
Mexican President Vincete Fox would create an integrated
neoliberal economic zone from the Yucatan to Panama. The
plan is a "development" project proposal that
calls for "regional integration" mirroring the
same language and logic used to implement NAFTA
(North American Free Trade Agreement) and now pushing the FTAA
(Free Trade Area of the Americas). The PPP calls for the
creation of industrial corridors, highways, high speed rails
that will run north-south and east-west from Puebla, Mexico
to Panama. Participants contest the PPP will displace
enormous populations of indigenous peoples in the region,
and accelerate the exploitation of labor and resources in
the region.
Over 800 people people from 262 different organizations
participated in the forum and protests including hundreds of
indigenous representatives, campesino organizers, grassroots
activists, journalists and internationals in solidarity
marched through the streets of Quetzaltenango, Guatemala,
marking the closing of the Second
Forum, Xelaj Frente a la Globalización, El Pueblo Es
Primero (Confronting Globalization, the People First.)
For more extensive coverage in english and spanish go to Indymedia
Chiapas and the Foro
Xelaju.
[ Chiapas
Indymedia | Plan
Puebla Panama ] |
| QATAR,
WORLDWIDE: WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION |
Nov
16 2001 |
| Update and Summary -
THE WTO IN DOHA: GLOBAL ACTIONS,
CRITICISMS, OUTCOMES 11/22
WTO launches new round
despite clear tensions
After contentious and prolonged
meetings threatened the viability of the World
Trade Organization's new round of trade talks, delegates
were presented with a declaration
(.pdf) that they could vote
only up or down. Entering the 7th day of what was meant
to be a 5-day meeting, the declaration finally passed.
The pressure for a successful round following the
Seattle, 1999 debacle has forced all sides to agree to terms
they may not have otherwise. In the final agreement, the
European Union reluctantly agreed to a concession that will
"phase out" subsidies to farmers, while many
delegates from developing nations argued that the cards are
still unfairly stacked
against them. U.S. Trade Representative Robert Zoellick
celebrated, saying "Today the members of the WTO have
sent a powerful signal to the world. We have removed the
stain of Seattle."
Developing nations did win a major victory regarding patenting
laws (mp3). The new
TRIPS Agreement (pdf), grants nations the right to
produce generic medication in case of national health
crises. Particularly in Africa, where the AIDS epidemic has
spread to over 25% of the African population, this agreement
marks a major victory. It will reduce the cost of AIDS
medication from $10,000 per year, per person to a mere $250
per year, per person, causing a severe blow to
pharmaceutical corporations.
However, activists and NGO representatives maintain that
the undemocratic
process (mp3) and underlying
premise of the WTO continues to be a major obstacle in
developing truly
global and sustainable
economic progress.
UPDATE: "The
meaning of Doha" by Walden Bello and Anuradha
Mittal
Read and contribute to an www.indymedia.org WTO-Qatar
Feature Page for information on the
issues, the
protests, reports
from Doha and the
Beirut World Forum.
**Webradio distributed coverage - no\/wto horizontal
radio project:
[ radio.indymedia.org |
tazebao.dyne.org
]
No
New Round Radio, a joint project of Indymedia and Greenpeace,
brodcasted from Doha each day of the ministerial.
"Diaries" from Doha
Sarah L. Wright: Nov.
8 | Nov.
12
Anuradha Mittal of Food
First: Nov.
9 | Nov.
10 | Nov.
11
Counter-Summits: Beirut |
Report
from Beirut conference | New
York

Some Action Reports
Doha,
Qatar - Aalborg,
Denmark Albi,
France | Amherst,
MA | Austria |
Bangkok |
Barbados |
Bangor,
Wales | Barcelona
(many reports including Cataluña, Valencia, Vigo) |
Bayonne,
France | Berlin |
Bern |
Bilbao,
Basque Country | Bolivia |
Brasil |
Buenos
Aires | Christchurch,
NZ | Copenhagen,
Denmark | Dhaka City, Bangladesh | Dijon,
France | Dublin |
Finland |
Frankfurt |
Geneva,
pics |
Germany
(many reports) | Greece1,
2 |
Groningen,
Netherlands | Guildford,
England 1, 2 |
India
1, India
2 | Indonesia |
Iran |
Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia | Leiden |
London
Nov. 3, pics,
Nov.
9-1, 2 |
Lyon,
France | Manchester,
England 1, 2 |
Manila,
Philippines | Montreal |
Melbourne |
Netherlands |
New
York | Newcastle,
England 1, 2 |
Nice,
France | Nîmes,
France | Ontario |
Ottawa |
Palo
Alto, California | Paris |
Quebec
and many more.
MORE ACTION REPORTS: Nadir.org
| Protest.net
| Infoshop.org
N9/WTO report | Global
Unions
[ No
New Round Radio | WTO
Watch | WTO
"theme song" (m
|
| NORWAY:GLOBALIZATION
AND SOCIAL JUSTICE |
Oct
16 2001 |
Activists Gather in Norway
to Propose Alternatives to Corporate Globalization
From October 11 to 13,
activists and social justice theorists gathered in Oslo, Norway,
for the "Another
World is Possible" conference, the
"Norwegian 'sister conference' to the World
Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Visit the newly
opened IMC-Norway
site for video, audio, print and photo coverage the
conference and continue to check out the http://www.indymedia.no
site for coverage of events in and concerning Norway.
|
|
|
Making Generosity
Redundant 11/27
THE
NEW RULERS OF THE WORLD? 9/4
IMF's four steps to damnation
by Greg Palast 8/25
The
Road From Genoa By Boris Kagarlitsky
- a Z-net commentary 8/17
Global
leaders just don't get it
Europeans
see their dreams being subverted 7/28
Chasing them into the desert By Katherine Ainger
7/23
On the ground accounts of G-8 protest:
|
Refugees
meeting hears proposal to register every human in the world
GENEVA, Dec 13 AAP|Published: Friday December 14, 7:18 AM
Every person in the world would be fingerprinted and registered under a
universal identification scheme to fight illegal immigration and people
smuggling outlined at a United Nations meeting today.
The plan was put forward by Pascal Smet, the head of Belgium's
independent asylum review board, at a roundtable meeting with ministers
including Australian Immigration Minister Philip Ruddock this afternoon.
Mr Smet said the European Union was already considering a Europe-wide
system, using either fingerprints or eye scanning technology, to identify
citizens.
But he said the plan could be extended worldwide.
"There are no technical problems. It is only a question of will
and investment," he said.
"If you look to our societies, we are already registered from
birth until death. Our governments know who we are and what we are. But
one of the basic problems is the numbers of people in the world who are
not registered, who do not have a set identity, and when these people move
with real or fake passports, you cannot identify them.
"It's a basic rule of management that if you want to manage
something, you measure it. It's the same with human beings and migration.
"But instead of measuring it, you have to register them."
Mr Smet said the scheme would give people dignity by giving them an
identity if their papers had been lost or destroyed.
And he said it would allow countries to open their borders to genuine
travellers or asylum seekers, because they would be able to prove the
identity of any over-stayers and deport them without argument from their
home country.
Mr Ruddock appeared unconvinced by the merits of the plan.
"In principle we would be supportive of a system which would crack
down on multiple asylum claims, but a universal identification system
would be taking it too far," he said through a spokeswoman.
By Maria Hawthorne
http://www.smh.com.au/breaking/2001/12/14/FFX058CU6VC.html
(Top)
Globalisation. You hear about it on TV and you read about it in the
papers. We are all part of one big global village, where national borders
and national identities no longer matter. But what is globalisation? And
where is this global village?
In some respects you are already living in it. The clothes in your
local store were probably stitched together in the factories of Asia. Much
of the food in your local supermarket will have been grown in Africa. It's
easier than ever to buy music from Mali, read novels from Colombia and
watch films from Iran. The world is shrinking.
Globalisation has not only made the world smaller. It has also made it
interdependent. An investment decision made in London can spell
unemployment for thousands in Indonesia, while a business decision taken
in Tokyo can create thousands of new jobs for workers in north-east
England.
This might seem a very natural development if you live in a country
like Britain, with its long international history as a trading nation and
imperial power. Bringing the world closer together may throw up new
opportunities for cultural and economic interaction, but it also exposes
us to the negative aspects of life on a shrinking planet, whether it be
the threat of global warming, the international traffic in women for
sexual exploitation or the spread of AIDS throughout Africa and Asia.
More and more people across the world are acknowledging the threats
posed by globalisation. Anti-globalisation demonstrations at the World
Trade Organisation's Ministerial Meeting in Seattle in November 1999 were
reported on TV screens across all continents.
The protestors come from many different countries and many different
backgrounds, but they are united by one aim: to ensure that globalisation
works in the interests of all the world's people, not just a fortunate
few.
...http://pilger.carlton.com/globalisation
for a tutorial on various aspects of globalization we don't hear much
about in the USA... by distinguished author and filmmaker John
Pilger 9/4/01
(Top)
How crises, failures, and suffering finally drove a
Presidential adviser to the wrong side of the barricades
By Gregory Palast
It was like a scene out of Le Carré: the brilliant agent comes in from
the cold and, in hours of debriefing, empties his memory of horrors
committed in the name of an ideology gone rotten.
But this was a far bigger catch than some used-up Cold War spy. The
former apparatchik was Joseph Stiglitz, ex-chief economist of the World
Bank. The new world economic order was his theory come to life.
He was in Washington for the big confab of the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund. But instead of chairing meetings of
ministers and central bankers, he was outside the police cordons. The
World Bank fired Stiglitz two years ago. He was not allowed a quiet
retirement: he was excommunicated purely for expressing mild dissent
from globalisation World Bank-style.
Here in Washington we conducted exclusive interviews with Stiglitz, for
The Observer and Newsnight, about the inside workings of the IMF, the
World Bank, and the bank's 51% owner, the US Treasury.
And here, from sources unnamable (not Stiglitz), we obtained a cache of
documents marked, 'confidential' and 'restricted'.
Stiglitz helped translate one, a 'country assistance strategy'. There's
an assistance strategy for every poorer nation, designed, says the World
Bank, after careful in-country investigation.
But according to insider Stiglitz, the Bank's 'investigation' involves
little more than close inspection of five-star hotels. It concludes with
a meeting with a begging finance minister, who is handed a
'restructuring agreement' pre-drafted for 'voluntary' signature.
Each nation's economy is analysed, says Stiglitz, then the Bank hands
every minister the same four-step programme.
Step One is privatisation. Stiglitz said that rather than objecting to
the sell-offs of state industries, some politicians - using the World
Bank's demands to silence local critics - happily flogged their
electricity and water companies. 'You could see their eyes widen' at the
possibility of commissions for shaving a few billion off the sale price.
And the US government knew it, charges Stiglitz, at least in the case of
the biggest privatisation of all, the 1995 Russian sell-off. 'The US
Treasury view was: "This was great, as we wanted Yeltsin
re-elected. We DON'T CARE if it's a corrupt election.." '
Stiglitz cannot simply be dismissed as a conspiracy nutter. The man was
inside the game - a member of Bill Clinton's cabinet, chairman of the
President's council of economic advisers.
Most sick-making for Stiglitz is that the US-backed oligarchs stripped
Russia's industrial assets, with the effect that national output was cut
nearly in half.
After privatisation, Step Two is capital market liberalisation. In
theory this allows investment capital to flow in and out. Unfortunately,
as in Indonesia and Brazil, the money often simply flows out.
Stiglitz calls this the 'hot money' cycle. Cash comes in for speculation
in real estate and currency, then flees at the first whiff of trouble. A
nation's reserves can drain in days.
And when that happens, to seduce speculators into returning a nation's
own capital funds, the IMF demands these nations raise interest rates to
30%, 50% and 80%.
'The result was predictable,' said Stiglitz. Higher interest rates
demolish property values, savage industrial production, and drain
national treasuries.
At this point, according to Stiglitz, the IMF drags the gasping nation
to Step Three: market-based pricing - a fancy term for raising prices on
food, water, and cooking gas. This leads, predictably, to
Step-Three-and-a-Half: what Stiglitz calls 'the IMF riot'.
The IMF riot is painfully predictable. When a nation is, 'down and out,
[the IMF] squeezes the last drop of blood out of them. They turn up the
heat until, finally, the whole cauldron blows up,' - as when the IMF
eliminated food and fuel subsidies for the poor in Indonesia in 1998.
Indonesia exploded into riots.
There are other examples - the Bolivian riots over water prices last
year and, this February, the riots in Ecuador over the rise in cooking
gas prices imposed by the World Bank. You'd almost believe the riot was
expected.
And it is. What Stiglitz did not know is that Newsnight obtained several
documents from inside the World Bank. In one, last year's Interim
Country Assistance Strategy for Ecuador, the Bank several times suggests
- with cold accuracy - that the plans could be expected to spark 'social
unrest'.
That's not surprising. The secret report notes that the plan to make the
US dollar Ecuador's currency has pushed 51% of the population below the
poverty line.
The IMF riots (and by riots I mean peaceful demonstrations dispersed by
bullets, tanks and tear gas) cause new flights of capital and government
bankruptcies This economic arson has its bright side - for foreigners,
who can then pick off remaining assets at fire sale prices.
A pattern emerges. There are lots of losers but the clear winners seem
to be the western banks and US Treasury.
Now we arrive at Step Four: free trade. This is free trade by the rules
of the World Trade Organisation and the World Bank, which Stiglitz
likens to the Opium Wars. 'That too was about "opening
markets",' he said. As in the nineteenth century, Europeans and
Americans today are kicking down barriers to sales in Asia, Latin
America, and Africa while barricading our own markets against the Third
World 's agriculture.
In the Opium Wars, the West used military blockades. Today, the World
Bank can order a financial blockade, which is just as effective and
sometimes just as deadly.
Stiglitz has two concerns about the IMF/World Bank plans. First, he
says, because the plans are devised in secrecy and driven by an
absolutist ideology, never open for discourse or dissent, they
'undermine democracy'. Second, they don't work. Under the guiding hand
of IMF structural 'assistance' Africa's income dropped by 23%.
Did any nation avoid this fate? Yes, said Stiglitz, Botswana. Their
trick? 'They told the IMF to go packing.' Stiglitz proposes radical land
reform: an attack on the 50% crop rents charged by the propertied
oligarchies worldwide.
Why didn't the World Bank and IMF follow his advice?
'If you challenge [land ownership], that would be a change in the power
of the elites. That's not high on their agenda.'
Ultimately, what drove him to put his job on the line was the failure of
the banks and US Treasury to change course when confronted with the
crises, failures, and suffering perpetrated by their four-step
monetarist mambo.
'It's a little like the Middle Ages,' says the economist, 'When the
patient died they would say well, we stopped the bloodletting too soon,
he still had a little blood in him.'
Maybe it's time to remove the bloodsuckers.
By George Monbiot. from ZNet
"If people did not sometimes do silly things," Wittgenstein observed, "nothing intelligent would ever get done." In a world in which intelligence is banned from public life, baring our buttocks at George Bush is one of the few means we possess of expressing our dissent. We are forced, as protesters, to talk through our bums.
But behind the bottoms lies a profound and complex understanding of some of the dangers the world now faces. The protesters' concerns about climate change, the expansion of NATO and Bush's plans to scrap the anti-ballistic missile treaty are now well-understood. But nearly all commentators and political leaders remain baffled by their opposition to the expansion and better integration of the European Union.
The enemies of the European project are supposed to be little Englanders and polluting industries. Why on earth should people who describes themselves as radicals, who want to protect the environment, distribute wealth and defend workers' rights, seek to oppose the world's most successful social democratic project? Tragically, though 25,000 peaceful campaigners gathered in Gothenburg for the European summit, their message was killed in the crossfire between a handful of moronic rock-throwers and a thuggish and disorganised police force. Tony Blair was able to dismiss the entire anti-European protest as "an anarchists' travelling circus that goes from summit to summit with the sole purpose of causing as much mayhem as possible."
It is easy for people of my generation to forget what an extraordinary achievement the establishment of the European Union was. We struggle to understand that until 56 years ago Europe, like the Balkans today, had been engaged in centuries of almost perpetual war. But nearly all the radicals I know are well aware that the union has shifted wealth from its richer to its poorer members, that it has fought discrimination, promoted fairness at work, raised environmental standards and infuriated the rightwing press by regulating companies. So why are so many of them now fighting what has, by and large, been a force for good? They perceive that the great European dream, of mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence, has been subverted. Integration is giving way to colonisation.
If, like Tony Blair, you believe this claim is groundless, then take a look at a document produced by the the union's most powerful lobby group, the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT). It's called "The East-West Win-Win Business Experience", but the title is a little misleading. All the winners appear to live in the west.
European enlargement, the document reveals, provides an opportunity to solve the "problems" faced by the ERT's members in central and eastern Europe. New member states can be forced to reduce their taxes, prevent "delays in the privatisation process", remove the "restrictions on the purchasing of land by foreign companies" and combat the "dominance of national players" ("national players" are local companies). Nations seeking to join the union must "ensure that programmes to privatise and liberalise local infrastructure continue without delay".
As an example of how the businesses it represents can prosper in eastern Europe, the ERT cites the case of British American Tobacco, which has "invested" in Hungary. BAT's problem, the document reports, was that "demand for cigarettes in Western Europe, the USA and other developed markets is highly mature. Competition is intense and margins are tight. Growth in profitability and shareholder value must therefore come from other, developing markets. ... With the collapse of Communism and the gradual emergence of a free market economy, Central and Eastern Europe represents a major growth opportunity for BAT." By buying a cigarette factory in Hungary, BAT was able "to gain access to new growth markets, both in Hungary and in other Central and Eastern European countries" and "grow the value of the company."
The European Round Table is no ordinary lobby group. It has little need to call on governments, for governments call on the round table. For the past 17 years it has been the principal architect of European integration and expansion.
In April 1983 the chief executive of Volvo brought together the heads of 15 other corporations, among them ICI, Unilever, Nestle, Philips and Fiat, to see if they could find a way of "harmonising" trade rules in western Europe. This, they noted, would allow their companies to reach "the scale necessary to resist pressure from non-European competitors." In January 1985, the ERT presented its proposal to the European Commission. Two months later, the European Council commissioned Lord Cockfield to produce the white paper on which the Single European Act would be based. It was precisely what the lobbyists ordered. The round table became the act's enforcer, working closely with the commission to ensure that the single European market was completed in 1992. The ERT, Jacques Delors later noted, was "one of the main driving forces behind the Single Market."
In 1984, the round table published a paper demanding a tunnel under the English Channel, a roadbridge connecting Denmark to Sweden, a European high speed train system and a new, Europe-wide roadbuilding programme. It got everything it wanted. In 1987, it started proposing some of the key components of European monetary union. The schedule for enlargement agreed at the European summit in Helsinki in 1999 precisely mirrors the sequence suggested by the ERT a few years before.
In Nice last year, European leaders agreed, as the ERT had requested, to bypass their national parliaments by handing international treaty-making powers to the European Commission. Future trade agreements will be negotiated not by the member states, but principally by the trade commissioner Pascal Lamy. Mr Lamy is a corporation in human form.
Now the lobby group is seeking what it calls "a minimal regulatory system with the maximum of flexibility". Having harmonised European regulations so that the same big companies can sell the same goods and services everywhere, its new task is to diminish those common rules, to allow these firms to dump their costs onto the environment and other people. It appears to be winning. According to its website, "every six months the ERT makes contact with the government that holds the EU presidency to discuss priorities." Its former secretary-general boasted about phoning European leaders whenever he wanted policy changes.
All this has been accompanied by the effective abandonment of future social democratic reforms. Thanks in part to Tony Blair's efforts, the EU's proposed "fundamental charter on human rights" appears to have been scuppered. There's now no realistic prospect of harmonising corporate taxes to prevent companies from threatening to move to another part of Europe if their host nation doesn't reduce its rates. While the EU still enforces the progressive measures it has adopted in the past, its new legislative programme is, in effect, confined to helping big business to get bigger.
In Gothenburg Tony Blair insisted that protesters "must not and will not disrupt the proper workings of democratic organisations." That role has been reserved for corporations. ==== If you pass
these comments along to others -- something you can do periodically but not repeatedly, please include a personal explanation that explains that Commentaries are a premium sent to Sustainer Donors of
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====
The airport at Genoa is named after Christopher Columbus. Five hundred and nine years after he set sail for the new world, launching what in today's parlance would be called 'a new trade round' - centuries of genocide, plunder and colonialism - Latin American civil society brought its struggle against globalisation back to the place where it began. Members of the Landless Movement of Brazil (Movimiento Sem Terra - MST) spoke of the massacre of neoliberalism at the Genoa Social Forum.
In the weeks leading up to the summit, plenty of old hands were saying someone would die at Genoa. The signs were clear in the escalating confrontation and militarization of both sides. But the MST could tell you that Carlo Guiliani, the young man shot dead as he protested at the G8 summit last weekend, is not the first casualty of the movement challenging neoliberal globalization around the world.
The MST suffer ongoing persecution for their campaign for land reform in Brazil, their opposition to the World Bank's programme of market-led land reform; their opposition to the corporate control of agriculture through patents on seed; their opposition to the big landowners' farms where cattle for export graze while the campesinos starve.
Recently three students protesting against World Bank privatization were shot in Port Morseby, Papua New Guinea. Young men fighting World Bank imposed water privatization have been tortured and killed in Cochabamba, Bolivia.
George Bush, Tony Blair, and Clare Short, who portray those who protest the
unaccountable institutions of global governance as ignorant, violent enemies of the poor, have not seemed to notice that the poor are leading the protests. A message, dated last April, sent out by members of the African student movement says: 'the anti-globalization movement, which had as one of its sources the persistent anti-structural adjustment student movement in Africa, has finally leaped from the streets of Harare, Addis and Algiers into Washington DC in April and Prague in September last year. [The World Bankers] have been hounded by a truly international youth movement which has carried the African student dead to their door.'
Yet those who run the global economy still seem to think their worst problem is that they can't find a secure place to meet.
Instead of addressing root causes of the protests which rocked Seattle in late 1999, the World Trade Organization are fleeing to the Qatar desert, way beyond the reach of even the most determined activist. The Chretien administration is now searching desperately for the highest mountain in Canada in which to hold the next G8 summit.
Their real problem is that their ideological adherence to 'free' trade is casting them not just into the desert, but into the political wilderness. The regime they are implementing is so destructive that it is sparking off a global uprising against neoliberalism. These are the beginnings of a new force that will shape the global political project in the new century.
Broadly, these uprisings can be described as struggles against the co-modification
of every aspect of life - water, genes, atmosphere, healthcare, culture, public spaces, land. For each locality, the moment when the people cry 'Enough!' is different - but it is usually the moment when something regarded as central to the culture becomes privatized. For the Zapatistas of Mexico it was the signing of the NAFTA agreement, which outlawed the common ownership of land which Emiliano Zapata, folk hero and revolutionary of 1911, had fought for. For much of South East Asia it was the IMF austerity measures imposed on their shattered economies after the financial crisis of 1997. For South Africa, it is seeing the ANC, former rebels against apartheid, making Faustian pacts with the global economic elite as inequality grows greater, not lesser, in their country. For France it was the integrity of their food culture, and the punitive
tariffs on Roquefort cheese imposed by the World Trade Organization. In Britain, it may be the slow sell-off of the National Health Service to private healthcare multinationals.
Antoni Negri and Michael Hardt, in their seminal work Empire, call this grassroots network of struggles, 'the multitude'. It is the mirror opposite of a concentrated strata of power from above, in which decisions that affect billions of human lives get made at a transnational level. The multitude embodies the real world below - a sphere of humanity, nature, culture, diversity - all those factors not
reducible to a commodity to be bought and sold in a global marketplace. In fact, the movement is not 'anti-globalization' at all. If anything, it embodies 'globalization from below' - an international multitude which challenges the idea that 'the global surfaces of the world market are interchangable'.
This is a new force for radical political change, but in a global economy, it does not have a Winter Palace to storm. This is why protesters have been targeting international summit meetings. But if these
unaccountable institutions of global governance are losing their legitimacy through citizen action, the movement, particulary in the wake of the Genoa summit, urgently needs to build its own, alternative democratic legitimacy. For
democratizing the global economy will ultimately not come through increasingly militant action at summits, but through building an genuine, grassroots legitimacy from below.
The Brazilian educator Paulo Freire wrote: 'Sooner or later, a true revolution must initiate a courageous dialogue with the people. Its very legitimacy lies in that dialogue. It cannot fear the people, their expression, their effective participation in power. It must be accountable to them, must speak frankly to them of its achievements, its mistakes, its miscalculations and its difficulties.'
Instead of now chasing the world leaders into the desert in Qatar, then, the task at hand is to work on building a broad based pro-democracy movement at home. In a million small ways in Britain, that process has already begun. As a result of campaigning by the World Development Movement, the Scottish parliament will be holding the first parliamentary debate in the world over WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), which threatens to lock anything deemed a 'service' into
privatization. Unions are beginning to organize against GATS; the rank and file are already beginning to rebel over public sector sell offs. Even the Women's Institute is alarmed. Middle England continues to complain about GM crops and the state of the railways, while Scottish crofters have joined the radical, anti-WTO, international peasant farmers' union, Via Campesina - whose largest member is the MST.
This is the birth of a genuinely popular global uprising against corporate control and the hijacking of democracy. The movement against economic globalization: coming to a town near you.
Katharine Ainger is editing an issue of the New Internationalist www.newint.org on global resistance.
(Top)
At
this point it’s still not clear to me how many are actually dead.
I’ve heard one young man, I’ve heard two, four. I’ve heard that
the police shot into the crowd, that someone was clubbed to the ground
and, unconscious, run over by a car, I’ve heard it was the White
Overalls, the Black Bloc, I don’t know. I know what I saw.
The
day started as a spirited, peaceful demonstration. I was on the Piazza
Manini with the Women’s Action and Rette Lilliput, a religious
ecological network. Both groups were completely committed to
nonviolence. My friend and training partner Lisa Fithian was down at the
convergence center with the pink block, the group that wanted to do
creative, fun, street theater, dancing and music as part of their
action. Lisa is a great person to be with in an action: she’s
experienced, never panics, moves fast and knows what to look for, has a
voice that can carry over a huge crowd and a great ability to move
people. I wish she were going to be with us, but I feel like we’ve
divided our talents well. I’ll help move the smaller Women’s
contingent, help them with ritual and work some magic. Lisa will help
the much larger and boisterous Pink Bloc become mobile and coherent. We
hope to meet up sometime during the day.
Around
1 pm, the women march from the piazza down to the wall with probably
three or four thousand people. The women gather in a circle for a spiral
dance, singing "Siamo la luna che move la marea," "We are
the moon that moves the tides, we will change the world with our
ideas." We brew up a lovely magical cauldron—a big pot full of
water from sacred places and whatever else women want to add: rose
petals, a hair or two, tobacco from a cigarette., that symbolize the
visions we hold of a different world. It’s a sweet, symbolic
action—not quite as satisfying, perhaps, as tearing the wall down, but
empowering to the women who take part. The police are relaxed, these
groups are clearly no threat to anyone. Monica negotiates with the
police, and we are allowed to go up to the wall in small groups to pin
up underwear—(residents of the Red Zone were threatened with fines if
they hung out their laundry during the G8—apparently the site of
washing might unnerve the delegates), banners, messages and spill our
water under the fence.
(Helicopters
buzz the house as I write, the news is discussing violence and
nonviolence in Italian, and I stretch my memory of high school French to
ask one of the women staying here in a phrase we never covered,
"How many people died today?" One, she tells me, and one is in
the hospital in critical condition.)
Then
the Pink march arrives, trapped in a cross street by our march. We open
a lane and let them through. They are delightful, mostly young, some all
punked out in wildly colored hair or dreadlocks or bright pink wigs,
drumming, dancing, cavorting through the crowd. They turn the corner and
filter into the next square down the wall, only a short half-block from
the street we’ve occupied.
On
our street, everyone is sitting peacefully and having lunch. I walk over
to the Pink Block to see what’s going on. I drum for a while with the
accordion player. People are milling about—there’s nothing clear
that’s happening, when suddenly a line of police has blocked one of
the exits. Dancing youth are wildly leaping and stomping in front of
them, but that’s all they are doing. Much of the Pink Bloc has moved
on, they appear a block or two above the square, with the police now
trapped between groups of Pink. I am just thinking that this is not a
good situation when a tear gas cannister lands in front of me. I start
to move away, back down to the street where the women are. just a mild
hit, I wash out my eyes, help a few others whose eyes are streaming and
red. Lisa appears, and we go back for another look. This time the gas
catches us in a bad situation, with the way back to the street blocked,
and another exit up a staircase too full of bodies. I am getting hit
heavily, my lungs and eyes burning but I remember that helpful hint from
all the trainings we have done. I can breathe, I really can breathe, and
fear is the most powerful weapon. Lisa has better eye protection, she
takes my hand and leads me out. I wash them out again. This seems like a
good moment to leave. I gather up what’s left of the women, Lisa and
other’s get the Pink Block together, I begin a drumbeat and we start
up the street, which is also up a hill. The march feels powerful and
joyful. We are retreating, but in a strong way, moving on to the next
action, still together.
The
good feeling lasts until we reach the top of the hill. Somehow the Black
Bloc have become trapped between the pacifist affinity groups and the
police. Monica is on the cell phone, upset and tearful when she learns
that the Black Bloc have trashed an old part of the city. "It’s
over," she says. "after all our months of work! Let’s go
home."
I
am trying to find out what the women want to do: Lisa is trying to find
out what the Pink Bloc wants to do, when suddenly massive amounts of
tear gas fill the square. I am moving away from it, down a side street,
trying to convince myself that I can breathe, when I notice that I’m
somehow in the midst of the Black Bloc. They run past me, younger,
faster, much better equipped, and the police are behind them. I do not
want to be here. I’m fifty years old, and I was never very fast even
when I was young. For the first time, I come close to panicking.
But
below is a side street, and the wind blows the gas away. I can breath. I
duck down the alley. Like most of the streets in this hillside area, it
winds around the side of ridge, with a sheer drop below, and snakes back
to the main street. A small clump of Pink is sheltering there. I join
them, we wait as the Black Block thunders by one street away. Lisa
appears to tell us that the riot cops are coming up from below.
They’re beating people brutally. We check the exits, fearing we’re
trapped, but suddenly the street we came in on is clear. I and a few
others make a break for it, get across and head up a stairway on the
other side. Lisa goes back to see if she can help move the others.
Before she can, the police have found the alley. They beat people hard,
going for the head. They beat pacifists who approach them with their
hands up; they beat women. A battered crowd gathers on the stairs, moves
up a level or two. I comfort a young man with a head wound, a woman who
is crying, her thigh covered with the blood of her boyfriend who had
been taken to the hospital. We are all shaken.
Slowly,
a pink contingent gathers on the stairs. We move up and up; in this part
of town, half the streets are stairways that rise in endless zig zag
flights. Below us, we see contingents of riot cops sweep the streets.
The helicopter above move on, following the Black Bloc. Lisa is moving
back and forth across the street and back to the square, checking out
rumors, trying to figure out what’s going on and where we might go. We
eventually make our way back to the square. One of the women has been
gassed so badly she’s been vomiting, but she wants to stay. Another
women from our contingent was hit in the head by a cop and taken to the
hospital. A whole lot of people have been badly hurt, people who clearly
and unmistakably are not rock throwing, street fighting youth, people who
believed they were going to be in a peaceful and reasonably safe place.
Lisa and I had done a training for the women, trying to give them some
sense of what they might face on the streets from our experience in
other actions. But there’s no real way to prepare for a cop beating a
peaceful, non-aggressive, middle-aged woman on the head.
The
Pink Bloc begins a long journey back to the other side of town. We’re
joined by some of the others from the square and by some of the Italian
Pacifist Affinity groups who have been trying to hold space on this
side. As we’re trying to make our decision, with translation into
English, Italian, Spanish and French, Some of the Black Bloc drifts up
from below and asks if they can join us to make our common way to the
bottom of the town. Some of the group are angry at the Bloc and
unwilling to take the risk of joining with them or being associated with
them. Others feel that we should hold solidarity with everyone, and not
leave anyone vulnerable to the police. Eventually, the group offers to
accept them if they’ll unmask and leave their sticks behind. They
won’t do that, they say we should each respect each others’ way of
doing things, so they’ll go down alone, letting us go first.
There’s
more, mostly a series of moments of being trapped in an intersection
here or a stairway there, but after around two or three hours we made it
back to the convergence center. I’m far too tired to make sense of
this day right now, it’s all I can do to describe it, and it’s after
midnight and people have to go to bed. Someone is dead, and the night is
not over.
(Top)
(This is the last piece by Starhawk, one of our ZNet Sustainer System commentators, direct from Genoa. If you check the ZNet site for other Genoa reports, and the indymedia coverage which is extensive, you will see that there is a large a mount of evidence on behalf of her various claims.)
I was there when the carabinieri raided the IndyMedia Center and the Diaz school, in Genoa, at the end of the protest against the G8 meeting. We heard the shouts and screams, couldn't get out the door, ran upstairs and hid, fearing for our lives. Eventually the cops found us, but we were the lucky ones. A Member of Parliament was in our building; lawyers and media arrived. There was some obscure Italian legal reason why the police could be deterred. They withdrew.
But nothing could save our friends across the street, at the school where people were sleeping and where another section of the Independent Media were located. The police entered: the media and the politicians were kept out. And they beat people. They beat people who had been sleeping, who held up their hands in a gesture of innocence and cried out, "Pacifisti! Pacifisti!" They beat the men and the women. They broke bones, smashed teeth, shattered skulls. They left blood on the walls, on the windows, a pool of it in every spot where people had been sleeping. When they had finished their work, they brought in the ambulances. All night long we watched from across the street as the stretchers were carried out, as people were taken to the jail ward of the hospital, or simply to jail. And in the jail, many of them were tortured again, in rooms with pictures of Mussolini on the wall. This really happened. Not back in the nineteen thirties, but on the night of July 21 and the morning of July 22, 2001. Not in some third world country, but in Italy: prosperous, civilized, sunny Italy. And most of the victims are still in the hospital or in jail, as I write this four days later.
I can't adequately describe the shock and the horror of that night. But as terrifying as it was to live through it, what is more frightening still are its implications:
That the police could carry out such a brutal act openly, in the face of lawyers, politicians and the media means that they do not expect to be held accountable for their actions. Which means that they had support from higher up, from more powerful politicians. According to a report published in La Repubblica from a policeman who took part in the raid, when the more democratic factions within the police complained that the Constitution was being violated, they were told, "We don't have anything to be worried about, we're covered."
That those politicians also do not expect to be condemned or driven from office means that they too have support from higher up, ultimately, from Berlusconi, Italy's Prime Minister, himself.
That they could beat, torture, and falsely arrest Italians means that they do not expect to be held accountable by their own people.
That they could beat, torture and imprison internationals shows that they do not expect to be held accountable by the international community. And indeed, who is going to hold them accountable? George Bush, the unelected, unmandated heir of a coup? Sweden, which just used live ammunition on protestors? Canada, builders of the Wall of Shame? That Berlusconi could support such acts means that he must be certain of support from other international powers, and that these overtly fascist actions are linked to the growing international escalation of repression against protestors.
That the Italian government used tactics learned from Quebec: the wall, the massive use of tear gas, and that the RCMP had observers in Genoa in preparation for next year's meeting in Calgary, means that police repression is also a global network. As we learn from each action, so do they.
That the Italian government are now targeting the organizers of the Genoa Social Forum shows where their agenda was heading all along: the discrediting of the antiglobalization network, the discouraging of peaceful and legal protest as well as direct action. The leader of the Forum has lost his job. Others are fearing for their freedom and safety.
It's hard to make sense of all that happened in Genoa. So much happened so fast, and in the middle of it it was hard to know what was going on. The Black Bloc suddenly appear in the midst of a square that is supposed to be a safe space for peaceful gatherings: the police gas and beat the women and the pacifists and let the Bloc escape. We are having a quiet lunch in the convergence center by the sea, when suddenly tear gas
canisters are flying into the eating area and a pitched battle begins directly outside, not a hundred yards away from the main march. Prisoners report being tortured until they agree to shout "Viva il Duce!" The police rationale for the attack on the school was the supposed presence of members of the Black Bloc-but they never attacked the actual Black Bloc encampment, and by the night of the attack most of the Black Bloc had left the city. I'm not an investigative reporter-I'm an activist and once upon a time when life was not so overwhelming I was a novelist. I don't like conspiracy theories but I make sense of the world through stories. Genoa makes sense to me if this is the plot:
"Memo: Italian Security to Italian Government/U.S. and International Advisors:
"Subject: Covert Security Plan for Genova "Top Secret!
"The overt Security Plan for the Genova G8 meeting has been covered in a separate memo. The subject of this memo is the covert plan.
"Phase One: Lead up to the action: This phase is characterized by two major aspects: the creation of a climate of fear and anticipated violence by the stockpiling of body bags, deployment of missiles, etc. And second, a concerted effort to undermine the popularity of the stronger, radical groups such as the 'Tute Bianca' or White Overalls through smear campaigns, accusations that they cooperate with the police etc. If necessary, we will plant actual bombs to increase the climate of fear.
"Phase Two: Recruitment and infiltration: We will concentrate on infiltrating the Black Bloc and strategically placing provocateurs who will be in positions to instigate attacks, violence, and destruction of private property which will turn the population against the protestors. In addition, we will encourage Fascist groups to run as segments of the Bloc which will then give us an excuse to attack the main body of protestors
"Phase Three: Friday, 20 July. We arm the police and carabinieri with live ammunition rather than rubber or plastic bullets. With luck, deaths will result. Our 'Bloc' can appear strategically near any group we wish to attack, giving us the excuse to gas and beat the 'nonviolent' demonstrators. Protestors should be severely beaten and arrested protestors tortured to deter them from further demonstrations. In addition, our Bloc will instigate the destruction of property, particularly small shops, private cars, and will attack and beat other demonstrators, perhaps even a nun or two, further discrediting the anarchists. A high level of violence and destruction should lessen the numbers expected for Saturday's march.
"Phase Four: Saturday, 21 July. Our strategy here is directed to undermine, divide, and disperse the march. We instigate more property damage and police battles in the morning near the assembly point of the march. One of our factions will attack the Tute Bianca during the march itself. Shortly after noon, we begin a battle just outside the convergence center, near the corner where the march turns north, giving us the excuse to gas the convergence center. We attempt to drive the battle into the march, splitting or disrupting it, and providing the rationale to attack the march with tear gas and other dispersal agents.
"Phase Five: Post-march. We continue the climate of fear with a midnight raid on the main communications center and sleeping quarters of the protestors. Severe force is justified by rumors of Black bloc presence. We uncover 'evidence' of connections between the Genova Social Forum and the bloc, thereby discrediting them. Beatings, arrests and torture will discourage future involvement with protests.
"Phase Six: Sunday, 22 July and beyond: We continue harassment and random arrests of foreigners and suspected protestors. We begin a campaign of accusations against the Genoa Social Forum, connecting them with the Black Bloc, moving against their employment, their credibility, and possibly taking legal action against them. This will also force them to disavow the Black Bloc, further splitting the movement.
This memo is fiction, but I believe it's essentially true. Like a mathematical proof, it has a simple internal consistency that makes sense of the known facts. And there is more and more mounting evidence that the 'black bloc' in Genoa was significantly composed of organized fascist groups working in collaboration with the police.
If it is true, even partly true, what does it mean to us?
It means that the response to the events in Genoa will determine what level of force can be used against future demonstrations, whether we will see smashed skulls and more deaths in Calgary, and blowtorches in the armpits in the third world.
There are signs, however, that their strategy may backfire. On Monday all over Italy 250,000 people took to the streets. The pressure is on for the Minister of the Interior to resign; Berlusconi's government is threatened.
There were demonstrations at Italian embassies all over the world. We need to keep the pressure on, to make sure the issue doesn't fade away. Keep calling and writing the embassies. Get your political organization, union, workplace or group of best friends to write and call. Ask your local news media why they are not telling this story. Now is not the moment to be
ideological and purist; now is the moment to call in all our allies, set aside our differences, and act in solidarity. For if this level of repression goes unchallenged, no one is safe, not the most legal NGO, not the most reformist organization with the mildest demands. If we don't act now, when a political space remains open to us, we may lose the space to act at all.
Continue to organize and mobilize for the next one. Fear is their most powerful weapon. The fact that they must resort to fascist violence shows that we are a serious threat.
If we want to continue to be a threat, we also need to look critically at our own movement, to identify what we do that leaves us wide open to infiltration and manipulation.
And we need both better preparation and better networks of support for these actions.
The Genoa Social Forum needs support. They've sent out the following call-please answer it.
On Monday the opposition has demanded in Parliament the resignation of the Ministry of Interior and on Tuesday demonstrations in thirty Italian cities are held, with more than 250,000 people participating.
We ask your help for denouncing these threats to democracy and justice. You could act in one or more of the following ways:
1. Write a short statement (or a brief article) in support of the right to protest against the G8, in solidarity with the Genoa Social Forum and the peaceful demonstrators. Please state clearly your affiliation. The texts will be published by the Left daily Il Manifesto, and by other media around the world.
2. Send formal messages of support on behalf of associations, NGOs, media organizations, Universities, etc.
3. Write/sign an international appeal for democracy, justice, respect of human and civil rights. If many of you are interested, we can work together on a text in the next days.
Please send your articles and messages to: redazione@ilmanifesto.it
and to the Genoa Social Forum via San Luca 15/9 - 16124 Genova tel. 010 2461749 fax 010 2461413 e.mail
info@genoa-g8.org - webmaster@genoa-g8.org --
This is another Free ZNet Update. You can remove yourself from the mailing list, or put a new address, from our top page --
www.zmag.org
By Ted Lewis
KNIGHT RIDDER TRIBUNE - in the Tallahassee
Democrat 7/29/01
Many Americans may be wondering what led to the massive demonstrations at
the economic summit in Genoa, Italy. The answer: The protesters are
convinced that the managers of globalization are taking our world in the
wrong direction.
As President Jacques Chirac of France noted during the summit,
"One hundred thousand people don't get upset unless there is a
problem in their hearts and spirits."
Trade unionists, environmentalists, human-rights advocates, AIDS
activists and proponents of Third World debt cancellation fear that
corporate globalization is leading to greater inequality, increasing job
insecurity, the destruction of our environment and, perhaps most
frighteningly, the weakening of our democracies.
In Genoa, eight men gathered to make decisions about how the world
would address some of the most critical global problems - the AIDS
pandemic, the staggering debt of Third World countries and the massive
poverty in developing nations. These leaders insisted they were
democratically elected. True, but they represent a total population of
about 800 million out of the world's more than 6 billion people.
Africa was allowed only a token representation, even though its
problems were high on the agenda.
The summit in Genoa was a meeting of the global rulemakers - a country
club world government. The rulemakers' globalization, with its twin
banners of unfettered free trade and unmanaged free markets, is a new
colonialism that has had devastating effects, both in the Third World and
in the industrialized countries.
Each day that these presidents and prime ministers posed for group
photos and dined on fine meals in Genoa, more than 19,000 children died
worldwide from the effects of the poor country's debt crises, and 8,000
people died of AIDS, according to Christian Aid and Doctors Without
Borders.
In the last decade, deaths from preventable disease have risen, not
decreased. And the gap between the rich and the poor has grown larger,
according to the U.N. Development Program.
From South-Central Los Angeles to Soweto, South Africa, a huge number
of the world's people are not benefiting from a global economy that caters
to investors and bankers.
The demonstrations grow out of a deep, abiding sense that the global
rulemakers, for all their talk, just don't get it. It is unacceptable that
our leaders give mere lip service to the desperate plight of the estimated
1.2 billion people who survive on less than $1 day per capita and the
nearly 3 billion who survive on less than $2 a day, according to the U.N.
Development Program.
The economic policies the World Bank and the International Monetary
Fund have imposed on more than 80 countries during the last two decades
have required severe cutbacks in government spending on health service,
education and wage and farm subsidies. As a result, living standards have
often plummeted.
President Bush has repeatedly said that the demonstrators are
condemning the poor to continuing poverty. The facts show the opposite.
Take the example of our neighbor, Mexico. According to the Mexican
government, wages in Mexico's manufacturing sector have dropped 10 percent
since NAFTA began. And the World Bank reports that inequality in that
country has not decreased since Mexico began its market liberalization 15
years ago.
What the summit in Genoa made startlingly clear is that democracy has
reached a new low when communication between leaders and their citizens
must happen through steel grates, police lines and noxious clouds of tear
gas. And the death of a 23-year-old Italian demonstrator, Carlo Giuliani,
should give us all pause.
The vast majority of demonstrators want a dialogue. But they want real
action, too. Without it, the basic needs of billions of people will go
unmet.
....Ted Lewis directs the political and civil rights program at Global
Exchange, an international human rights organization based in San
Francisco. He can be reached at pmproj@progressive.org,
or by writing to Progressive Media Project, 409 East Main St., Madison,
Wis. 53703.
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